Ben Lowenthal grew up on Maui. He earned his undergraduate degree studying journalism at San Francisco State University and his law degree at the University of Kansas. He is a deputy public defender practicing criminal defense in trial and appellate courts. He also runs . The author's opinions are his own and don't necessarily reflect those of Civil Beat.
Police can seize property without a court process if they suspect it is connected to a crime or poses a danger.
This may sound strange, but we still prosecute property as well as people. The rationale is even weirder and dates back centuries.
Suppose you were living in ninth-century Britain when something terrible happened. You were on your way to market to sell something when a brigand came out of the bushes, demanded your goods and then stabbed you with a dagger.
If he was caught, the highway robber would be prosecuted (or worse) and so would his dagger. In fact, the Crown would confiscate it.
If there was no robber and you died when your cart accidentally toppled over, the Crown could confiscate the evil objects causing the mishap. The cart, the horse and the goods don鈥檛 go to your family but become a deodand 鈥 a 鈥渢hing given to God鈥 鈥 and the Crown, which conveniently declared itself the next best thing to God, benefits.
The supernatural rationale upholding the deodand still haunts us. Prosecuting and confiscating evil objects has managed to survive the Enlightenment and the scientific revolution, and has evolved into civil asset forfeitures.
The concept really took off during Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan鈥檚 “War on Drugs.” Prosecutors and law enforcement ramped up efforts to confiscate property associated with the drug trade.
The forfeiture gig proved lucrative.
Houses, vehicles, cash and bank accounts were up for grabs. And the government benefited so much that by 1984, the U.S. attorney general declared it was 鈥渘ow possible for a drug dealer to serve time in a forfeiture-financed prison after being arrested by agents driving a forfeiture-provided automobile while working in a forfeiture-funded sting operation.鈥
In 1988, the Hawaii Attorney General’s Office and the four county prosecutors and police chiefs pushed through the Legislature the forfeiture laws modeled after the federal government and Arizona.
These are the laws still .
The police can seize property 鈥渨ithout court process鈥 whenever officers believe the property is associated . They even can confiscate property if they believe it is 鈥渄irectly or indirectly dangerous to health or safety.鈥
All it takes is probable cause for the officer to believe there鈥檚 a crime. No charges, no trial, no proof beyond a reasonable doubt and no criminal conviction required. The property owner isn鈥檛 even a party in the case. The defendant is the property that may as well be an evil object from the ninth century. It鈥檚 how we get wonderfully bizarre and perfectly pidgin-sounding lawsuits titled or the amusing .
It is very difficult for property owners to challenge the seizure of their property.
Sure, the forfeiture laws allow owners to stake a claim and challenge the confiscation, but you need to pay. While other jurisdictions 鈥 including the feds 鈥 have done away with this provision, Hawaii property owners who aren鈥檛 indigent are required to post a bond of 10% of the estimated value of the property or $2,500, 鈥溾 That means when the state takes $500 in cash, you have to post a bond of $2,500 to challenge the forfeiture.
Of course, you don鈥檛 have to post the bond if you are indigent. But because it鈥檚 not a criminal case and you鈥檙e not the defendant, you are not entitled to a lawyer. Unless you have one working for free, you鈥檙e on your own. Good luck.
That may be why so few seizures are contested. The state seizes the property and sells it to the public at an . It鈥檚 a lurid and sad affair, as bidders look at confiscated property such as sunglasses, cars, boats and gold chains. The proceeds are then split up among the law enforcement agencies themselves. County prosecutors, the Attorney General’s Office and law enforcement agencies all get a cut.
Just how much they make is duly reported . In the fiscal year for 2021-2022, the profits were down to $291,043 The report also stated $175,179 was spent from the criminal forfeiture fund that year.
Compared to massive government budgets, these numbers are small. So why do they do it?
Perhaps U.S. Supreme Court Justice Neal Gorsuch explains it best. Last week, to criticize law enforcement practices.
鈥淪ome agencies,鈥 he wrote, 鈥渞eportedly place special emphasis on seizing low-value items and relatively small amounts of cash, hopeful their actions won鈥檛 be contested because the cost of litigating to retrieve the property may cost more than the value of the property itself.鈥
He goes on to suggest that 鈥渁 Nation so jealous of its liberties鈥 allows these aggressive forfeiture practices because of 鈥渢he relative lack of power of those on whom the system preys.鈥
The closest we came to changing things in Hawaii was in 2019, when the Legislature that sought to change some of the most egregious parts of the law. Among other things, it would have removed the government鈥檚 financial incentive to seize property by banning the agreement to split the proceeds, required more proof than probable cause and limited forfeitures to felony offenses that actually resulted in a conviction.
The reason for the bill was simple. The Legislature found that the state was acting in 鈥.鈥
Former Gov. David Ige vetoed it and said he was proud of law enforcement鈥檚 efforts to reduce crime, which made little sense since no crime is required to seize property. If you want to compare our deep blue, liberal state to others, adopted laws similar to the one Ige vetoed.
This year with a new governor, the senators introduced a . But this wasn鈥檛 the year and of the Ways and Means Committee. The forfeitures resume and, to borrow Justice Gorsuch鈥檚 words, the system continues to prey upon the weak.
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Ben Lowenthal grew up on Maui. He earned his undergraduate degree studying journalism at San Francisco State University and his law degree at the University of Kansas. He is a deputy public defender practicing criminal defense in trial and appellate courts. He also runs . The author's opinions are his own and don't necessarily reflect those of Civil Beat.
Thanks for bringing the auction to my attention. Papi needs a new bike!
KanakaAbroad·
7 months ago
Ige was the worst
Jhubbard1·
7 months ago
Civil asset fortfiture should only be a precursor to criminal asset fortfiture. If after a set time frame, no criminal charges are made, the assets should be returned.Additionally, the shell game that is played where a portion of money seized by local government is sent to the feds is ridiculous.Ever travel to Vegas from another US state? Don't tell the TSA you have cash, it is not a crime to move money inside the US. But people have had TSA detain them until another agency comes over and use civil asset fortfiture to take the cash.
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