Richard C. Rath is associate professor in the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University of Hawaii Manoa where he teaches courses on 聽ethnic studies in the digital world, Indigenous history, racialization and ethnicity, and sound studies. He is the author of 鈥淗ow Early America Sounded鈥 along with many articles and has most recently been working on the politics and economics of Hawaii's hotel industry during the pandemic from the perspective of the hotel workers, drawing on his 15 years of experience working in commercial kitchens.
First, he considers Bill 9 in isolation rather than as part of a concerted movement on the part of state and local governments to use this year鈥檚 tax income windfall and federal funding to begin addressing Hawaii鈥檚 housing problem. Up until this legislation, the government response has been 鈥渃ompassionate disruption鈥 or the current “weed and seed” policy that do little more than chase tired and vulnerable people from one place to another.
Weed and seed, a from 1990s 鈥渂roken windows鈥 policing, considers the largely Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander unsheltered population as 鈥渨eeds鈥 to be picked while it simply neglects the 鈥渟eed鈥 part of the equation.
Second, Kent鈥檚 conclusion that opening up housing that currently stands vacant will have no effect is simply wrong. About 34,000 vacant units on Oahu stand in contrast to the 7,496 unsheltered people according to the last Oahu . Those 34,000 units could house all of Oahu鈥檚 unsheltered people and then some, even if, as is likely, the point-in-time count is an underestimate.
To write this off as impractical is a technique of the entitled for deflecting anything that requires a reduction in their entitlements. Introducing 34,000 new rentals into the market, perhaps more if subdivided, would significantly reduce rental costs even if individual rentals introduced were too costly.
Social Responsibility
Native Hawaiians constitute but 41% of Honolulu County鈥檚 unsheltered. In a trick favored by liberals and more so by conservatives and libertarians, the preferred 鈥渟olution鈥 to this non-housing places the responsibility squarely on the people experiencing it.
Politicians, private charities, business interests, and Kent鈥檚 Grassroot Institute deflect our attention from social responsibility and appeal to the neoliberal catchphrase 鈥減ersonal responsibility.鈥 Personal responsibility is perhaps necessary but it is not sufficient for solving socially caused problems.
Third, Kent argues that the income generated by the taxes charged would do little to address housing issues, with 95% going toward housing unsheltered people and five percent going toward administering the program, which Kent calls 鈥渟kimmed.鈥 Such programs do need to be administered, and a 5% operating cost with 95% direct investment is a far better ratio than most non-profits.
Fourth, not all absentee properties belong to the wealthy, and where they do there is plenty of precedent for breaking up large houses, even mansions, into multiple units. My own high-rise building on the Ala Wai side of Waikiki, with 54 units, has a half-dozen or so unoccupied apartments at any one time that could be made into affordable housing.
Across the street sit two large, single-family houses that have just been boarded up, something that bodes long-term vacancy. The multiple-unit housing in many cities is made from splitting up single family mansions in neighborhoods that used to house elites. I lived in several of these during my youth in Rochester, New York, and was able to do so on a line cook鈥檚 wages.
Furthermore, one way to avoid the tax would be to hire a live-in family as caretakers if the owners wished to keep their absentee status, providing both housing and jobs. Housing that was too expensive for the working class could go to the wealthier folks, in turn opening up other units.
Finally, Kent complains of a putative state incursion into the privacy of wealthy absentee landlords. The notes that for the most part, compliance with the law simply requires honesty on the part of vacant dwelling owners. Audits only kick in for cases of non-compliance or if the owners refuse to say whether they had kept the housing vacant.
Personal responsibility is perhaps necessary but it is not sufficient for solving socially caused problems.
This is no more invasive than a blood alcohol test or a tax audit. Unpleasant, perhaps, but necessary for enforcement to be effective.
To be consistent, Kent might think about the rights of unsheltered people, who suffer massive incursions into their privacy in order to gain any social services. For example, in the last point-in-time report, the unsheltered are carefully broken out by race, gender, mental health, substance use, domestic violence, disability, and recidivism. There is no similar collection of absentee owner data.
The invasion of privacy is one of the reasons many unsheltered people choose to stay outside the . Where is their privacy, not to mention their property, as the last of their worldly possessions are regularly destroyed or placed into virtually inaccessible storage by the city under current policy?
We should enthusiastically support Bill 9 as a first step toward addressing one of the causes of the housing shortage (there are several others) instead of blaming the people suffering the effects.
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Richard C. Rath is associate professor in the Department of Ethnic Studies at the University of Hawaii Manoa where he teaches courses on 聽ethnic studies in the digital world, Indigenous history, racialization and ethnicity, and sound studies. He is the author of 鈥淗ow Early America Sounded鈥 along with many articles and has most recently been working on the politics and economics of Hawaii's hotel industry during the pandemic from the perspective of the hotel workers, drawing on his 15 years of experience working in commercial kitchens.
This is garbage. The solution is as simple as it sounds. Make permitting homes like Texas. 2 weeks to permit homes. This will result in a glut of housing that will result in reduction of price. Over supply, glut of inventory, lowered priced.
AlohaState13·
2 years ago
The problem not addressed by Bill 9 is that luxury, empty properties today pay significant amounts of property taxes in exchange for very limited use of local resources like roads or sewer. They are in effect subsidizing costs for the rest of us.We currently have a tax policy that taxes luxury homes not full time owner occupied at a substantially higher rate, which makes sense.It would seem that we could get virtually all of the beneficial effects of Bill 9芒聙聶s proposal without the complex rules and enforcement mechanism by simply increasing tax rates for non owner occupied homes above a certain price. This would further increase funds available to the city to invest in affordable housing programs. The primary downside is that demand for luxury homes, and their prices might decline. That might even trickle down to the rest of the market.IMO, we need to start having new housing projects approved quickly if they provide "workforce housing" , and perhaps even more slowly if their primary focus is on luxury units. Time is money to developers, so everything we can do to make less expensive housing more economically appealing should be the focus; carrots work better than sticks.
Wylie·
2 years ago
Create an empty homes tax for homes empty more than 6 months of the year. Plenty of jurisdictions are doing it. A small percentage based on the assessed value. Put those funds directly toward building purpose-built affordable housing. Incentivize private developers to build affordable housing, since the city and state can't seem to do it.
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