Ian Lind: It’s Time To End The Secrecy Surrounding Police Officers
As prior court cases have shown, there’s no evidence that airing complaints against the police department result in any kind of harm to officers or the agency.
A police officer shook things up earlier this month when he urged the Honolulu Police Commission to dig deeper into the police department鈥檚 handling of internal complaints, which he alleged have been used to bury evidence of misconduct and retaliate against those critical of the department.
Officer Denny Santiago, a 21-year veteran of HPD, urged the commission to independently review HPD administrative inquiries, in order to hold the department accountable by making a fresh determination of whether complaints are investigated and disposed of appropriately.
In his testimony, Santiago said secrecy surrounding the department鈥檚 administrative investigations allows favoritism and cronyism to prevail within the department, and allows the department鈥攐r perhaps more accurately, those who control the department鈥攖o escape accountability.
Santiago 鈥渄idn鈥檛 want to talk about his pending complaints within HPD, saying that he signed a confidentiality clause when he filed the complaints,鈥 Civil Beat鈥檚 Nick Grube reported.
Exactly what Santiago meant isn鈥檛 clear from his testimony. Was he required to sign a confidentiality agreement in order to exercise his right to pursue an internal complaint through HPD鈥檚 administrative channels?
That unfortunately wouldn鈥檛 be out of character for our police department. HPD is notorious for trying to prevent information about misconduct by police officers from becoming public.
SHOPO, the union representing police throughout the state, has successfully lobbied to obtain special treatment for police officers under the state鈥檚 public records law. As a result, information about misconduct by or disciplinary action against police officers is required by law to remain confidential unless the officer is fired, a considerably more restrictive standard than applies to all other public employees.
Further, the current SHOPO contract requires 鈥渁ll matters鈥 regarding internal administrative investigations or disciplinary actions to remain confidential, although the contract includes a disclaimer that this could conflict with the state鈥檚 open records law 鈥渁nd may be subject to legal challenge.鈥
Even available online and used to lodge a complaint against a police officer includes the following paragraph, placed immediately above the line for the signature of the complainant.
鈥淚 further understand that the Rules of the Honolulu Police Commission, a court of competent jurisdiction, as well as Hawaii Revised Statutes 92F, may permit the disclosure of the information contained in this statement. Subject to the disclosure under these circumstances, I request that the information provided by me in this statement be kept confidential to the extent possible.鈥
The commission鈥檚 form provides no option for a person to indicate they want their own complaint to be public, although I鈥檓 pretty sure many people who go through the trouble of filing a complaint with the Police Commission really want a public forum in which to air their experiences dealing with inappropriate, unprofessional, or illegal police behavior.
Protecting Public Officials
At one time, it was common for government agencies that handle complaints against public officials, including those administering laws regarding government ethics, campaign finance and judicial discipline, to have heavy confidentiality requirements that prevented public disclosure of any information about complaints except under limited circumstances.
After all, the agencies argued, it would be unfair to the reputations of public officials, and would discourage complainants from stepping forward, if information about minor or unsubstantiated complaints were made public.
For example, Hawaii鈥檚 ethics and campaign spending laws used to require all information about complaints聽 to remain confidential until their respective commissions had determined whether there was probable cause a violation had occurred. The confidentiality requirement applied not only to the commission鈥檚 own staff and proceedings, but prevented a complainant from disclosing a complaint had been filed. In other cases on the mainland, similar laws had been interpreted to even prevent a newspaper from reporting what it had legally learned about a complaint.
But in a series of court decisions in jurisdictions across the country, laws with broad confidentiality requirements have been struck down as unconstitutional limitations on the First Amendment rights of freedom of speech and freedom of the press.
A federal lawsuit against the led to a 1991 agreement that the part of state law preventing someone from disclosing they had filed an ethics complaint was unconstitutional and unenforceable.
Striking Down Excessive Secrecy
The following year, I was the plaintiff in a lawsuit challenging a similar provision of Hawaii鈥檚 campaign spending law, which at that time made it a crime 鈥 although a petty misdemeanor 鈥 to publicly disclose information about a complaint concerning campaign law violations unless and until the commission made a finding of 鈥減robable cause.鈥
At that time, I was publishing a monthly newsletter about politics and money. Every month I pored over reports filed with the looking for tidbits to write about. In 1992, I filed a complaint alleging that the University of Hawaii Professional Assembly, the UH faculty union, had failed to disclose significant amounts spent in support of then Gov. John Waihee鈥檚 reelection campaign. These included the costs of large newspaper ads endorsing Waihee, which were not included in the union鈥檚 subsequent reports to the commission.
I then wrote a brief article about the complaint in my newsletter. In response, UHPA鈥檚 attorney, Tony Gill, asked the commission for 鈥渃larification鈥 as to whether a provision in the law restricting disclosure of complaints should be applied in my case. The commission, in turn, voted to consider UHPA鈥檚 move as a complaint against me, and initiated enforcement proceedings.
Facing possible criminal charges if the case went forward, I filed suit against the commission in federal court seeking to overturn the law as unconstitutional.
The case quickly took a weird turn. Just two weeks after the lawsuit was filed, the state agreed that the law was unconstitutional. However, Judge Alan Kay rejected the resulting stipulation, saying he was reluctant to 鈥渙verturn an enactment of the Hawaii Legislature without careful consideration and solid caselaw in support of its decision.鈥
The 9th Circuit failed to find any compelling interest behind the Hawaii law.
The stipulated agreement was then withdrawn, and the state proceeded to defend the law 鈥渁s applied in this instance to 鈥榗harging parties鈥 in Campaign Spending Commission proceedings, who knowingly partake of the burdens of the confidentiality provisions when they invoke the Commission’s processes, and in light of the important interests in confidentiality as furthering the important First Amendment value of free speech and association.鈥
In April 1993, rejecting the state’s arguments and finding the law to be unconstitutional both on its face, and as applied to my particular case.
The state then appealed to the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which .
The 9th Circuit held the Hawaii law was clearly a 鈥渃ontent based鈥 restriction on speech 鈥渁bout political processes and governmental investigations of wrongdoing by public officials,鈥 topics 鈥渘ear to the core of the First Amendment.鈥 In order for a content based restriction to override First Amendment rights, it must serve a 鈥渃ompelling state interest鈥 and be drawn as narrowly as possible to meet that interest, the court said.
‘Dramatic Misconception’
But the 9th Circuit failed to find any compelling interest behind the Hawaii law. It rejected a number of rationales put forward by the state as insufficient to justify the burden on First Amendment rights, including protecting the reputations of officials from unfair attack, maintaining an orderly administrative process, and preventing聽 the possibility of complainants leveraging their formal complaints to give additional stature to an otherwise baseless criticism of a candidate or their supporters.
The state, in the court鈥檚 view, “offered little more than assertion and conjecture to support its claim that without criminal sanctions the objectives of the statutory scheme would be seriously undermined.”
Further, the court said it was a 鈥渄ramatic misconception鈥 for the state to argue that I had freely accepted the confidentiality provisions when choosing to file a complaint with the Campaign Spending Commission.
鈥淭he State may not condition Lind’s ability to trigger an investigation on the theory that by filing a complaint he bargained away his First Amendment rights,鈥 the 9th Circuit ruled.
Finally, the court found the plain language of the law applied to 鈥渁ny person,鈥 not simply the person filing the complaint, and that it was clearly overbroad and 鈥減atently unconstitutional.鈥
The state appealed again, this time to the U.S. Supreme Court, which denied the request and allowed the 9th Circuit decision to stand.
The case, Lind v. Grimmer, is still widely cited in cases challenging similar restrictions that still exist in other parts of the country.
It鈥檚 been more than 20 years since the prohibitions on disclosure of ethics and campaign spending complaints were declared unconstitutional. None of the dire potential consequences relied on by the state鈥檚 attorneys to defend the prior restrictions on disclosure have actually occurred. In the end, the prior law really reflected excessive deference to public officials, to the detriment of both First Amendment rights and the ability to hold those officials accountable.
It鈥檚 time to end that same excessive deference, and the resulting layers of secrecy, in the case of complaints against police officers and the policies of the police department.
If Officer Santiago鈥檚 testimony successfully moves that process forward, we will be in his debt.
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About the Author
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Ian Lind is an award-winning investigative reporter and columnist who has been blogging daily for more than 20 years. He has also worked as a newsletter publisher, public interest advocate and lobbyist for Common Cause in 贬补飞补颈驶颈, peace educator, and legislative staffer. Lind is a lifelong resident of the islands. Opinions are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Civil Beat's views.