As the protests and civil disobedience against the planned Thirty Meter Telescope on Mauna Kea continue, and those arrested are being processed through the courts, one of the repeated themes is the belief the mountain鈥檚 self-described 鈥減rotectors鈥 can鈥檛 be charged with violating state law because the State of Hawaii has no jurisdiction over them.
It鈥檚 the kind of claim that calls for a closer look to clarify what鈥檚 being asserted by the protesters/protectors.
An attorney representing at least seven TMT defendants argues the criminal charges of obstruction should be thrown out because 鈥渢he Hawaiian Kingdom still lawfully exists and that the United States doesn鈥檛 have jurisdiction over the matter,鈥 according to .
The attorney, Dexter Kaiama, has raised this 鈥淜ingdom defense鈥 in identical motions to dismiss filed on behalf of several of his clients, a check of court records confirms.
The Argument
In each case, the argument presented by Kaiama is the same.
鈥淒efendant鈥 assert(s) that this Court lacks subject matter jurisdiction because the Hawaiian Kingdom continues to exist as a state pursuant to international law and has been under a prolonged and illegal occupation since August 12, 1898 by the United States of America pursuant to State of Hawaii v. Lorenzo, 77 Haw. 219, 883 P.2d 641 (1994),鈥 the motions argue.
Kaiama rests much of his argument on , whose controversial analysis of the overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom and its aftermath has become a rallying cry for many young sovereignty activists.
Sai first broke into the headlines back in the mid-1990s when he was when his company, Perfect Title, issued bogus Kingdom deeds that clouded titles of properties facing foreclosure. He has since become the most cited proponent of the idea that the Kingdom still exists, more than a century after Hawaii became a U.S territory and, finally, a state.
David Keanu Sai has become the most cited proponent of the idea that the Kingdom still exists, more than a century after Hawaii became a U.S territory and, finally, a state.
As a result of the supposed illegal occupation, Kaiama argues, 鈥渢he appropriate court with subject matter jurisdiction in the Hawaiian Islands is an Article II Court established under and by virtue of Article II of the U.S. Constitution in compliance with Article 43, 1907 Hague Convention IV (36 U.S. Stat. 2277).鈥
These are military courts 鈥渆stablished as 鈥榯he product of military occupation,鈥欌 the motion argues.
And so, according to Kaiama, the charges should be heard by a military court, if at all. The District Courts have no jurisdiction and the Mauna Kea cases need to be dismissed, he argues.
The documents are rich with footnotes and case citations, woven together to give the impression of an impregnable legal argument.听
The result, it seems, is a siren song to those for whom the ongoing existence of the Hawaiian Kingdom is more a matter of faith than a point of historical accuracy.
Never mind that the same argument has been shot down over and over again when used in both civil and criminal proceedings before state and federal courts. This record doesn鈥檛 seem to deter the true believers.
And there鈥檚 a hidden benefit here for attorneys who pursue this line of argument. When the legal argument fails in court, those enthralled by its 鈥渙bvious鈥 validity can blame the bias of the courts, the power of the occupiers, and a continuing non-native conspiracy for the outcome while keeping their beliefs, and the reputations of their attorneys, intact.
The Prosecutor鈥檚 Reply
To prosecutors, the answer has been short and simple. They refer defendants to the Hawaii Supreme Court decision in the case of , decided in January 2013. It鈥檚 one of a string of Supreme Court cases that spell out clear limits to the idea of sovereignty.
In this case, the defendant, Kaulia, was charged with assault after a fight in a shopping center parking lot in Kona.听One defense he put forward was the same 鈥渓ack of jurisdiction鈥 argument based on the continued existence of the Hawaiian Kingdom.
The Hawaii Supreme Court spent little time in shooting down this part of his defense, affirming 鈥渢he [S]tate鈥檚 criminal jurisdiction encompasses all areas within the territorial boundaries of the State of Hawaii.鈥
Further, the court ruled, 鈥渨e reaffirm that 鈥淸w]hatever may be said regarding the lawfulness鈥 of its origins, 鈥榯he State of Hawaii . . . is now, a lawful government.鈥 Individuals claiming to be citizens of the Kingdom and not of the State are not exempt from application of the State鈥檚 laws鈥 (case citations removed).
So even if, for the sake of argument, Kaulia were a citizen of the Kingdom, he would still have to comply with state and local laws, in the same way that foreign tourists must obey our laws.
“Individuals claiming to be citizens of the Kingdom and not of the State are not exempt from application of the State鈥檚 laws.鈥 鈥 Hawaii Supreme Court ruling
The Kaulia decision in turn cites the earlier case of State of Hawaii v. Harry Fergerstrom, in which the court ruled the state 鈥渉as lawful jurisdiction over all persons operating motor vehicles on public roads or highways within the State of Hawai`i.鈥
鈥淧ersons claiming to be citizens of the Kingdom of Hawai`i and not of the State of Hawai`i are not exempt from the laws of the State of Hawaii applicable to all persons (citizens and non-citizens) operating motor vehicles on public roads and highways within the State of Hawaii,鈥 the court held.
There have been numerous other court decisions rejecting the same Kingdom defense. In fact, Kaiama鈥檚 own motion to dismiss the TMT criminal charges notes there have been 41听cases brought before Hawaii鈥檚 Intermediate Court of Appeals and six cases before the Hawaii Supreme Court over the last two decades in which the courts rejected the argument that the state lacks jurisdiction because the Kingdom still exists. But despite this record of failure, Kaiama seems to retain faith that at some point, the magic elements of the argument will suddenly fall听 into place and the Kingdom will at last be recognized.
In my opinion, it doesn鈥檛 take a very long look at the court record to label this wishful thinking, at best.
I can understand and sympathize with those who rely on the Kingdom defense in order to make a very public political statement that they oppose the state鈥檚 policy for development of Mauna Kea. That鈥檚 well and good. But they shouldn鈥檛 have any expectation that this particular defense has any chance of prevailing in court or shielding them from the legal consequences of civil disobedience.
Asserting the jurisdiction of the Kingdom may make for lively political theater, but as a legal argument, it鈥檚 clearly a loser. And holding the approach out as a realistic legal strategy does听 a disservice to these and other potential defendants.
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About the Author
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Ian Lind is an award-winning investigative reporter and columnist who has been blogging daily for more than 20 years. He has also worked as a newsletter publisher, public interest advocate and lobbyist for Common Cause in 贬补飞补颈驶颈, peace educator, and legislative staffer. Lind is a lifelong resident of the islands. Opinions are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Civil Beat's views.