On the 11th floor of the Gold Bond Building, on the edge downtown Honolulu, is the brain trust of Hawaii鈥檚 anti-GMO movement.

The opened a new field office here on April 16, saying it wanted to foster public support to end irresponsible pesticide use and genetic experimentation on seed crops on the islands.

Just two days before, on April 14, the Washington, D.C.-based nonprofit invited 60 people to the Pig and the Lady restaurant in Chinatown to make the announcement in person.

Attendees included some of Hawaii鈥檚 most recognizable nonprofits and business leaders as well as officials from the state Department of Health.

Progressive state lawmakers Jessica Wooley, Chris Lee and Russell Ruderman were also in attendance.

Over grilled pork shoulder, pickled small fish and mushroom donuts with manchego foam 鈥 all of it locally sourced 鈥 the Center for Food Safety鈥檚 staff introduced themselves as a new voice in Hawaii’s food politics.

Ashley Lukens, an adjunct political science professor and co-founder of the , is going to spearhead the nonprofit’s efforts in Hawaii. She鈥檒l be joined by Kasha Ho, a Kauai-born community organizer who has worked for to help low-income families get access to local produce.

From their uncomfortably small office overlooking Sand Island and Honolulu Harbor, they plan to harness what has become a passionate, if sometimes unwieldy, anti-GMO movement to take on a Hawaii鈥檚 $250-million-a-year seed industry, a field dominated by Monsanto, Syngenta, Dupont Pioneer and other corporate giants that have a grip on much of the U.S. food supply.

鈥淭he movement here is vibrant,鈥 Lukens said in recent interview. 鈥淚t鈥檚 been able to achieve some victories here that elsewhere are impossible.鈥

Effective Agitators

The Center for Food Safety is a well-funded nonprofit that spends millions of dollars on litigation, community outreach and politics to support organic and sustainable agricultural practices. It opposes GMOs, pesticides and other technologies that it worries might be harmful to humans or the environment.

At a national level, the center lobbies for labeling GMO foods and pushes federal agencies for tighter controls on what products make it to grocery store shelves and which chemicals can be sprayed on crops.

Ashley Lukens

Nick Grube/天美视频

Ashley Lukens will spearhead the Center for Food Safety’s efforts in Honolulu.

It supports maintaining seed biodiversity, protecting pollinators from pesticides and taking on inhumane animal processing practices.

The nonprofit focuses much of its attention in the courts, where it challenges both corporations and government. It boasts of these legal challenges in a recently released 鈥溾 that was published to commemorate the organization鈥檚 more than 15 years of activism in food policy.

Among the victories listed are efforts to keep GMOs out of wildlife refuges and convincing major supermarkets and food companies, including Trader Joe’s and Target, to refrain from selling engineered salmon. It also boasts of fighting Monsanto in the U.S. Supreme Court over GMO alfalfa.

But the group also works to harness citizen concern over GMOs and turn that into action.

For instance, when the USDA was considering approval of genetically engineered salmon, the center led a major effort to flood the agency with comments opposing the move. Nearly 2 million comments were submitted.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e pretty strategic,鈥 said Naomi Starkman, a food policy consultant for the Consumers Union, who has worked with the center. 鈥淚 think they鈥檙e one of the most impressive organizations in the United States on food policy issues.鈥

In California, the Center for Food Safety trying to pass a GMO labeling bill. Supporters of the measure, mostly organic food advocates, pitched in as well, bringing the total to roughly $9 million for labeling. But big biotech and its allies corporate allies in grocery manufacturing to kill the proposition, succeeding by a slim margin.

The same scenario , where the biotech companies again outgunned labeling advocates.

Just last week Vermont that the Center for Food Safety helped draft with the help of lawmakers there. The nonprofit had been actively working to get a labeling measure passed in Vermont since 2005.

Island Time

But now the Center for Food Safety is focusing its attention on the Aloha State, where the debate over GMOs and pesticide use has galvanized the community, from the papaya farms on the Big Island to the hallways of the Hawaii State Capitol.

The nonprofit鈥檚 escalation has buoyed the anti-GMO movement like never before. Not only has it joined in a lawsuit to protect a GMO and pesticide disclosure law on Kauai 鈥 legislation it helped craft 鈥 but it鈥檚 also helping push a ballot measure on Maui that if passed would impose a temporary moratorium on GMO farming.

Maui County residents used the center鈥檚 polling company to gauge voters鈥 positions on GMOs before pursuing the initiative. So far residents have gathered more than 11,000 signatures that are currently being reviewed by the county.

Center for Food Safety reports

PF Bentley/天美视频

The Center for Food Safety plans to do a lot of voter and consumer outreach in Hawaii.

But it鈥檚 the center鈥檚 decision to open up an office in Hawaii that has the biotech industry on high alert. That shows a level of commitment that some say won鈥檛 dissipate until the corporate seed industry packs up and leaves the islands.

鈥淚t鈥檚 a very real threat and it certainly is something that can happen,鈥 said Mark Phillipson, a Syngenta executive who is also president of the . 鈥淯nfortunately, I think if it does happen it鈥檚 due to misinformation and people not knowing really both sides of the story and voting on something out of fear rather than out of facts.鈥

Hawaii’s year-round growing conditions are what make it so important to the biotech companies. The warm climate allows for up to four crop cycles per year, giving researchers more opportunity to test their seeds. This has allowed Hawaii to become the global leader in seed corn.

The Hawaii Crop Improvement Association, which is a trade organization for the seed industry in the state, has been at odds with the anti-GMO movement for a long time. Each side pushes its agenda through targeted lobbying and PR campaigns, legislative proposals and large-scale protests.

And while Phillipson says the Center for Food Safety doesn鈥檛 necessarily up the stakes of the political game 鈥 they鈥檝e always been high 鈥 he worries that whatever middle ground there was for compromise will disappear.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think the Center for Food Safety is here to let agricultural biotechnology flourish and prosper,鈥 he said.

Taking Root

The Center for Food Safety was founded in the 1990s by environmental attorney Andrew Kimbrell and, even though it’s just emerging into the public consciousness here, it actually has been involved with food issues in Hawaii off and on for years.

The center played a key role in the fight to protect Hawaiian taro from genetic engineering.

Syngenta on Kauai

Nick Grube/天美视频

Syngenta’s seed crop facilities on Kauai, where the company has filed a lawsuit over a new GMO law.

In 2002, the University of Hawaii had obtained patent rights on three strands of disease-resistant taro, a root by Polynesians and developed into a food staple that is used today to make poi and other dishes.

But Native Hawaiian activists, including Molokai resident Walter Ritte, vigorously protested the patents, saying that the university should not be allowed to 鈥渙wn鈥 such a sacred plant. They even of the John A. Burns School of Medicine in a demonstration against the patents.

Their efforts worked, and in 2006 the university to genetically modify taro. The act, lauded by many as a huge success, still resonates in today鈥檚 GMO debate.

Ritte says it couldn鈥檛 have happened without the Center for Food Safety.

鈥淚f it wasn’t for their expertise on patents and explaining to us what patents were all about, we wouldn’t know how to approach it,鈥 Ritte said. 鈥淚t was their advice (that) allowed us to win this battle.鈥

Since then, the center has continued to help shepherd Hawaii鈥檚 anti-GMO movement. In 2005, the group helped found the nonprofit , a coalition of anti-GMO organizations that operate on neighboring Hawaiian islands.

And more recently, the center has coordinated meetings of Hawaii鈥檚 anti-GMO groups that have taken an active, if sometimes antagonistic, role with the biotech companies and the lawmakers who support them.

But the center鈥檚 involvement in Hawaii and elsewhere has drawn its share of critics.

The nonprofit鈥檚 actions, especially its legal maneuvering, are little more than delay tactics, critics say, designed to bog down progress in agricultural science and slow down a system of checks and balances set up through the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and other agencies that are designed to keep people safe from harm.

Many of these naysayers are closely aligned with the biotech industry, whether directly or through various research institutions.

The latest barbs, however, question the Center for Food Safety鈥檚 true motives in the GMO movement. Critics say the big donors that funnel cash to the nonprofit have their own business interests at stake and too much influence over the center’s actions.

Grassroots vs. Astroturf

Standoffs between a multi-billion-dollar company like Monsanto and a small-scale farmer or community activist are often painted as a David-and-Goliath battle, with Monsanto playing the part of the looming giant.

The Center for Food Safety and other anti-GMO, anti-pesticide groups, including and the , tend to push this narrative by highlighting the millions of dollars biotech firms pour into lobbying efforts, PR campaigns and politicians鈥 campaign accounts to further their own agendas.

But now those aligned with the biotech industry are trying to flip the script. They say that groups like the Center for Food Safety are lining up with wealthy donors, who want to promote the growing organics and natural foods industry, to influence legislation that would lead to a larger market share.

Kauai farm worker

Nick Grube/天美视频

A field worker watches over Syngenta’s GMO crops on Kauai, waiting to scare birds away from the seedlings.

Karen Batra, spokeswoman for the , a Washington, D.C.-based trade association, says her group has been at political odds with the Center for Food Safety for years, and that she believes the nonprofit to be a lobbying organization and anti-industry group that disguises itself as a traditional consumer advocate.

Except that its efforts don鈥檛 address food affordability and accessibility in the marketplace, Batra said, because the natural and organic products the center pushes are for 鈥渆litists that prefer to pay higher prices.鈥

鈥淥n the part of the Center for Food Safety we see a legitimate agenda to shut down the biotech industry,鈥 she said. 鈥淭here really are non-altruistic motives on the part of the Center for Food Safety. They really don鈥檛 have the best interests of farmers and growers at heart.鈥

Jon Entine, founder of the , takes it one step farther. He鈥檚 even more skeptical of anti-GMO activists who label themselves as the underdog when they鈥檙e the beneficiaries of multimillion dollar foundations, some of which have direct ties to the organics foods industry that in 2013 reached .

He calls this 鈥渁stroturfing.鈥

Entine, whose Genetic Literacy Project aims to promote the science behind GMO research, has attempted to document where various grassroots causes in Hawaii get their funding. Last year he launched his own , which he later published in a pair of scathing online commentaries.

鈥淟et鈥檚 be clear,鈥 Entine told Civil Beat. 鈥淭his is an industry versus industry battle.鈥

At least the biotech companies have easily identifiable sources of funding, he said.

Follow the Money

Tax filings show the Center for Food Safety received $7.2 million in revenue in 2012, which is more than double what the nonprofit made the previous year. About half of the $7.2 million, organization officials said, came from a windfall of legal fees collected through successful lawsuits the nonprofit had filed over GMOs and other farming practices.

The nonprofit also received $3.8 million in grants and other contributions from organizations. It鈥檚 these grants that help pay for a significant portion of the center鈥檚 operations every year. The grants have also drawn the most scrutiny.

Between 2008 and 2012, the nonprofit鈥檚 tax forms show it collected $11.7 million through various gifts and donations; 2011 and 2012 were banner years. In 2011, the nonprofit took in nearly $2.9 million in grants, and in 2012 it received $3.8 million.

Many of the foundations giving to the Center for Food Safety have similar profiles. They typically have multimillion endowments. They give out a lot of money to nonprofits. And they tend to fund progressive causes, especially those related to environmental sustainability and food production.

Among the donors are the Cornerstone Campaign, the , the and the . Some familiar names also populate the nonprofit鈥檚 list of donors, including the Goldman Sachs Charitable Gift Fund and Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors Inc., which gave $400,000 to the center in 2003.

The , started by actor Paul Newman, has also given money to the Center for Food Safety, as has Newman鈥檚 daughter鈥檚 trust, the . The , which is funded by the company that sells organic energy bars, has also donated to the center.

Kimbrell sits on the Cornerstone Campaign board of directors, along with Abby Rockefeller and Mary Morgan. Together the three make decisions about where to donate money, and over the years have given money to groups like the Union of Concerned Scientists and the Council for Responsible Genetics.

In 2012, Kimbrell’s involvement with the Cornerstone Campaign, the Center for Food Safety and its sister organization, the International Center for Technology Assessment earned him $278,734 in total reportable compensation, the tax records show.

Kasha Ho

Nick Grube/天美视频

Kasha Ho will help the Center for Food Safety with its community organizing in Hawaii.

But one of the biggest funders of the Center for Food Safety over the past few years has been The Ceres Trust, an outfit with a keen interest in organic and sustainable agriculture.

The , which in 2012 reported nearly $20 million is assets, is based Northfield, Minnesota, and gives heavily to environmental causes and organic research, particularly at Midwest universities.

From 2010 to 2012, tax filings show the trust 鈥 headed by Judith Kern and Kent Whealy, who promotes the preservation and use of heirloom seeds 鈥 has given the Center for Food Safety $1.75 million.

In 2011, the trust also began giving money to several Hawaii groups focusing on food sustainability and non-GMO agriculture, including the , on the Big Island, and Hawaii SEED.

Since 2011, the trust has donated nearly $1 million to these organizations. The largest contribution 鈥 $340,307 鈥 went to E Kupaku Ka Aina, The Hawaii Land Restoration Institute for native ecosystem and taro patch restoration.

鈥橧 Don鈥檛 Think We鈥檒l Lose鈥

Andrew Kimbrell, the Center for Food Safety鈥檚 founder and executive director, wasn’t always an activist attorney. He used to teach piano. But after getting his law degree and becoming a corporate attorney he turned to food policy.

He says food is the 鈥渕ost intimate relationship we have to the environment,鈥 and can be tied to everything from deforestation and climate change to the abuse of farm animals and obesity in society.

But now Kimbrell has now turned his attention Hawaii, which he considers to be a battleground state in the fight over food sustainability. He likens the isles to a 鈥減oison paradise,鈥 where Monsanto, Syngenta and the other agribusiness companies go about their business without regard for their neighbors.

鈥淭his is their laboratory,鈥 Kimbrell said. 鈥淭hese aren鈥檛 farms, they鈥檙e outdoor laboratories. They鈥檙e not producing any food for Hawaiians.鈥

He bristles at insinuations by the biotech industry and its allies that he, or anyone working for his nonprofit, is on the take from the organics and natural foods industry, calling it little more than a talking point.

Kimbrell and others at the nonprofit also push back when questioned about their funding sources, saying the biotech businesses are simply trying to caricature the nonprofit as a giant corporate entity that can exert its will on big corporations, like Monsanto.

鈥淚t鈥檚 not as if we鈥檙e starting two equal teams on an equal playing field,” Kimbrell said.

He doesn鈥檛 make excuses for where the nonprofit gets its money, saying it鈥檚 obvious that groups aligned with the Center for Food Safety鈥檚 mission would provide grants and other funding to support its causes.

But while the Center for Food Safety does get some corporate sponsorships, he notes that it鈥檚 only a tiny fraction of what is pulled in through attorneys fees and other grants.

He declined to reveal the names of the businesses that give the nonprofit money.

鈥淚t鈥檚 simply not a significant portion of the money that we use to keep CFS going,鈥 Kimbrell said. 鈥淚t certainly doesn鈥檛 influence what we do.鈥

Instead, Kimbrell wants to focus on increasing transparency in the food production process, whether its labeling the genetically engineered foods that have been approved for human consumption or pushing for more disclosure about the pesticides that are sprayed on Hawaii鈥檚 seed crops.

He doesn鈥檛 see the Center for Food Safety as the head of the anti-GMO movement in Hawaii, but he promises that his organization is in it for the long-haul.

Should the nonprofit lose in the courts and in the political arena it鈥檚 only a temporary hiccup in the center’s push to grow more local, organic foods on the islands.

He concedes this will take time, maybe five years, maybe 10, even 15. But he believes the momentum is there.

鈥淭his is a long-term fight for Hawaii鈥檚 food future,鈥 Kimbrell said. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 what we鈥檙e there for. And I don鈥檛 think we鈥檒l lose.鈥

  • Contact Nick Grube via email at nick@civilbeat.com or follow him on Twitter at .
  • Contact Anita Hofschneider via email at anita@civilbeat.com or on Twitter at

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